Appellants point out that blacks currently hold the positions of State Auditor, Speaker of the North Carolina House of Representatives, and chair of the North Carolina State Board of Elections. US attorney general rejected a North Carolina congressional reappointment plan because the plan created only one black majority district, 1. The District Court in Pope dismissed appellants' claim, reasoning in part that "plaintiffs do not allege, nor can they, that the state's redistricting plan has caused them to be 'shut out of the political process.''' APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA, No. They reinforce the belief, held by too many for too much of our history, that individuals should be judged by the color of their skin. The existence of bizarre and uncouth district boundaries is powerful evidence of an ulterior purpose behind the shaping of those boundaries-usually a purpose to advantage the political party in control of the districting process. Yes; the Court agreed that the shape of the proposed district was so odd that there was no compelling explanation for its shape other than separating voters by race. H. Lefler & A. Newsom, The History of a Southern State: North Carolina 18-22 (3d ed. What was argued? )-forecloses the claim we recognize today. (emphasis added). District 1 has been compared to a "Rorschach ink-blot test," Shaw v. Barr, 808 F. Supp. of Ed., 476 U. S. 267, 279-280 (1986) (plurality opinion of Powell, J.) 8While the Court "express[es] no view as to whether 'the intentional creation of majority-minority districts, without more,' always gives rise to an equal protection claim," ante, at 649 (quoting ante, at 668 (WHITE, J., dissenting)), it repeatedly emphasizes that there is some reason to believe that a configuration devised with reference to traditional districting principles would present a case falling outside the cause of action recognized today. the Attorney General's satisfaction that its proposed redistricting had neither the purpose nor the effect of abridging the right to vote on account of race or color. 1994), probable jurisdiction noted 115 . Cf. Croson, supra, at 500 (quoting Wygant, supra, at 277 (plurality opinion)). have insisted that members of the political or racial group demonstrate that the challenged action have the intent and effect of unduly diminishing their influence on the political process.1 Although this severe burden has limited the number of successful suits, it was adopted for sound reasons. But "[a] number of states refused to take no for an answer and continued to circumvent the fifteenth amendment's prohibition through the use of both subtle and blunt instruments, perpetuating ugly patterns of pervasive racial discrimination." Nonetheless, in those cases where this cause of action is sufficiently pleaded, the State will have to justify its decision to consider race as being required by a compelling state interest, and its use of race as narrowly tailored to that interest. Thus, for example, awarding government contracts on a racial basis excludes certain firms from competition on racial grounds. It rejected the argument that race-conscious redistricting to benefit minority voters is per se unconstitutional. in relevant part). On the same reasoning, I would affirm the District Court's dismissal of appellants' claim in this instance. They did not even claim to be white. With him on the briefs was Jeffrey B. Parsons. Shaw's group claimed that drawing districts based on race violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. To the extent that no other racial group is injured, remedying a Voting Rights Act violation does not involve preferential treatment. Briefs of amici curiae urging affirmance were filed for the Democratic National Committee et al. What I am saying is that in electoral districting there frequently are permissible uses of race, such as its use to comply with the Voting Rights Act, as well as impermissible ones. In the 1992 elections voters in both districts selected black representatives. See Fullilove v. Klutznick, 448 U. S. 448,524-525, n. 3 (1980) (Stewart, J., dissenting) ("No person in [UJOJ was deprived of his electoral franchise"); Regents of Univ. Croson Co.(1989) (city contracting);Wygant v. Jackson Bd. Indeed, the Voting Rights Act and our case law make clear that a reapportionment plan that satisfies 5 still may be enjoined as unconstitutional. Nonetheless, the notion that North Carolina's plan, under which whites remain a voting majority in a disproportionate number of congressional districts, and pursuant to which the State has sent its first black representatives since Reconstruction to the United States Congress, might have violated appellants' constitutional rights is both a fiction and a departure from settled equal protection principles. See Fed. 808 F. See supra, at 680-681. gered at least heightened scrutiny (which every Member of the Court to address the issue has agreed must be applied even to race-based classifications designed to serve some permissible state interest).5 Presumably because the legitimate consideration of race in a districting decision is usually inevitable under the Voting Rights Act when communities are racially mixed, however, and because, without more, it does not result in diminished political effectiveness for anyone, we have not taken the approach of applying the usual standard of such heightened "scrutiny" to race-based districting decisions. McCain v. Lybrand, 465 U. S. 236, 245 (1984) (quoting South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U. S. 301, 334, 335 (1966)).5 Like New York, North Carolina failed to prove to, 5 In Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U. S. 30, 38 (1986), we noted the District Court's findings that "North Carolina had officially discriminated against. 442 U. S., at 272. The facts of this case mirror those presented in United Jewish Organizations of Williamsburgh, Inc. v. Carey, 430 U. S. 144 (1977) (UJO), where the Court rejected a claim that creation of a majority-minority district violated the Constitution, either as a per se matter or in light of the circumstances leading to the creation of such a district. The U.S. Supreme Court and the federal government should encourage states to find ways to comply with the act, even if compliance results in oddly shaped districts, the attorney argued. The dissenters make two other arguments that cannot be reconciled with our precedents. The most compelling evidence of the Court's position prior to this day, for it is most directly on point, is UJO, 430 U. S. 144 (1977). Our different approaches to equal protection in electoral districting and nondistricting cases reflect these differences. The shape of the district at issue in this case is indeed so bizarre that few other examples are ever likely to carry the unequivocal implication of impermissible use of race that the Court finds here. (b) Classifications of citizens based solely on race are by their nature odious to a free people whose institutions are founded upon the doctrine of equality, because they threaten to stigmatize persons by reason of their membership in a racial group and to incite racial hostility. Supreme Court rulings in the Shaw v. Reno (1995) and the Shelby County vs. Holder (2013) cases relied heavily on the reasoning behind the passage of the Voting Rights Act (1965). Croson, 488 U. S., at 494 (plurality opinion); see also id., at 520 (SCALIA, J., concurring in judgment). Or can it maintain that change, while attempting to enhance minority voting power in some other manner? US attorney general rejected a North Carolina congressional reappointment plan because the plan created only one black majority district, 1. Writing for three Members of the Court, I justified this conclusion as follows: "It is true that New York deliberately increased the nonwhite majorities in certain districts in order to enhance the opportunity for election of nonwhite representatives from those districts. Lack of compactness or contiguity, like uncouth district lines, certainly is a helpful. At what time (or times) during the 24-hour period does the maximum body temperature occur? c. Answer the questions in part (b) for the minimum body temperature during the 24-hour period. It is particularly ironic that the case in which today's majority chooses to abandon settled law and to recognize for the first time this "analytically distinct" constitutional claim, ante, at 652, is a challenge by white voters to the plan under which North Carolina has sent black representatives to Congress for the first time since Reconstruction. Then locate the subject of the verb and underline it once. They reinforce the belief, held by too many for too much of our history, that individuals should be judged by the color of their skin. Since there is no justification for the departure here from the principles that continue to govern electoral districting cases generally in accordance with our prior decisions, I would not respond to the seeming egregiousness of the redistricting now before us by untethering the concept of racial gerrymander in such a case from the concept of harm exemplified by dilution. the group claimed that the districts were racial gerrymanders that violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. 3. of Oral Arg. I respectfully dissent. Naomi buys $1,000 worth of American Express travelers checks and charges Whites constitute roughly 76% of the total population and 79% of the voting age population in North Carolina. " In Shaw v. Reno (1993), the Court ruled that electoral districts whose boundaries cannot be explained except on the basis of race can be challenged as potential violations of the equal protection clause, and in Miller v. Johnson (1995) it held that the equal protection clause Read More opinion of O'Connor In Sandra Day O'Connor 3:92CV71-P (WDNC)). Thus, state legislation that expressly distinguishes among citizens on account of race-whether it contains an explicit distinction or is "unexplainable on grounds other than race," Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U. S. 252, 266-must be narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental interest. 2. They found that race-based districting is not prohibited by the Constitution. -constitution prohibits using race as the main reason for how to draw districts. the democratic ideal, it should find no footing here." The Act proved immediately successful in ensuring racial minorities access to the voting booth; by the early 1970's, the spread between black and white registration in several of the targeted Southern States had fallen to well below 10%. In the 1870's, for example, opponents of Reconstruction in Mississippi "concentrated the bulk of the black population in a 'shoestring' Congressional district running the length of the Mississippi River, leaving five others with white majorities." In short, even assuming that racial (or political) factors were considered in the drawing of district boundaries, a showing of discriminatory effects is a "threshold requirement" in the absence of which there is no equal protection violation, id., at 143, and no need to "reach the question of the state interests served by the particular districts," id., at 142.4, To distinguish a claim that alleges that the redistricting scheme has discriminatory intent and effect from one that does not has nothing to do with dividing racial classifications between the "benign" and the malicious-an enterprise which, as the majority notes, the Court has treated with skepticism. The Court held that although North Carolina's reapportionment plan was racially neutral on its face, the resulting district shape was bizarre enough to suggest that it constituted an effort to separate voters into different districts based on race. of Oral Arg. What is the purpose of an input device? Id., at 313. v. RENO, ATTORNEY GENERAL, ET AL. We emphasize that these criteria are important not because they are constitutionally required-they are not, cf. The Attorney General, acting through the Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division, interposed a formal objection to the General Assembly's plan. Beer v. United States, 425 U. S. 130, 141 (1976). The state appellees suggest that a covered jurisdiction may have a compelling interest in creating majority-minority. Appellants maintain that the General Assembly's revised plan could not have been required by 2. Not very long ago, of course, it was argued that minority groups defined by race were the only groups the Equal Protection Clause protected in this context. Thus. Petitioner Argument (Shaw) 1. indicator that some form of gerrymandering (racial or other) might have taken place and that "something may be amiss." As was the case in New York, a number of North Carolina's political subdivisions have interfered with black citizens' meaningful exercise of the franchise and are therefore subject to 4 and 5 of the Voting Rights Act. With these considerations in mind, we have limited such claims by insisting upon a showing that "the political processes were not equally open to participation by the group in question-that its members had less opportunity than did other residents in the district to participate in the political processes and to elect legislators of their choice." Statement, O. T. 1991, No. Its considering building a new $65 million manufacturing facility. I The voting age population of North Carolina is approxi-mately 78% white, 20% black, and 1% Native American; the remaining 1% is predominantly Asian. A. Croson Co., 488 U. S. 469, 493 (1989) (plurality opinion); id., at 520 (SCALIA, J., concurring in judgment); see also UJO, 430 U. S., at 172 (Brennan, J., concurring in part) ("[A] purportedly preferential race assignment may in fact disguise a policy that perpetuates disadvantageous treatment of the plan's supposed beneficiaries"). See 808 F. Const., Arndt. In my view there is no justification for the Court's determination to depart from our prior decisions by carving out this narrow group of cases for strict scrutiny in place of the review customarily applied in cases dealing with discrimination in electoral districting on the basis of race. Congress enacted the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as a dramatic and severe response to the situation. The Court has abandoned settled law to decide this case. Constitutional Principle. 1983). Enduring Legacy. Does the Equal Protection Clause prevent a State from drawing district boundaries for the purpose of. Justia makes no guarantees or warranties that the annotations are accurate or reflect the current state of law, and no annotation is intended to be, nor should it be construed as, legal advice. It spite of such criticisms, the redistricting accomplished its goal. What was Justice Blackmun's dissent opinion? See Tr. 808 F. Supp. plan did not minimize or unfairly cancel out white voting strength." Why did four justices in this case dissent from majority opinion? to Juris. But in the context of a Fourteenth Amendment challenge, courts must bear in mind the difference between what the law permits and what it requires. A new issue of 20-year bonds: The flotation costs of the new bonds would be 4% of the proceeds. See Reynolds, 377 U. S., at 578 (recognizing these as legitimate state interests). After population gains tracked by the 1990 census, North Carolina was able to get a 12 th Congressional seat for the state. This rule applies as well to a classification that is ostensibly neutral but is an obvious pretext for racial discrimination. See, e. g., Croson, 488 U. S., at 491-493 (opinion of O'CONNOR, J., joined by REHNQUIST, C. J., and WHITE, J. See ante, at 642-643. Because appellants here stated such a claim, the District Court erred in dismissing their complaint. In districting, by contrast, the mere placement of an individual in one district instead of another denies no one a right or benefit provided to others. The principle of equality is at war with the notion that District A must be represented by a Negro, as it is with the notion that District B must be represented by a Caucasian, District C by a Jew, District D by a Catholic, and so on. That system, by whatever name it is called, is a divisive force in a community, emphasizing differences between candidates and voters that are irrelevant in the constitutional sense. "When racial or religious lines are drawn by the State, the multiracial, multireligious communities that our Constitution seeks to weld together as one become separatist; antagonisms that relate to race or to religion rather than to political issues are generated; communities seek not the best representative but the best racial or religious partisan. in M1 and M2? by Wayne R. Arden and Jeffrey M. Wice; for the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights under Law et al. The district even has inspired poetry: "Ask not for whom the line is drawn; it is drawn to avoid thee." 21A375 is treated as a . Because the State's purpose here was to comply with the Voting Rights Act, and because the General Assembly's plan did not lead to proportional underrepresentation of white voters state-. to Juris. The Court held that members of a racial minority group claiming 2 vote dilution through the use of multimember districts must prove three threshold conditions: that the minority group "is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district," that the minority group is "politically cohesive," and that "the white majority votes sufficiently as a bloc to enable it usually to defeat the minority's preferred candidate." This Court has held political gerrymanders to be justiciable under the Equal Protection Clause. The Fifteenth Amendment, ratified in 1870 after a bloody Civil War, promised unequivocally that "[t]he right of citizens of the United States to vote" no longer would be "denied or abridged by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." Appellants, five North Carolina residents, filed this action against appellee state and federal officials, claiming that the State had created an unconstitutional racial gerrymander in violation of, among other things, the Fourteenth Amendment. Thus, we express no view as to whether "the intentional creation of majority-minority districts, without more," always gives rise to an equal protection claim. "Dilution" thus refers to the effects of districting decisions not on an individual's political power viewed in isolation, but on the political power of a group. Katzenbach, Michael R. Cole, Alan E. Kraus, Laughlin McDonald, Kathy Wilde, E. Richard Larson, and Dennis Courtland Hayes; for the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., by Elaine R. Jones, Charles Stephen Ralston, and Dayna L. Cunningham; and for Bolley Johnson et al. No.1, 458 U. S. 457, 485 (1982). against anyone by denying equal access to the political process. Webster's Collegiate Dictionary 1063 (9th ed. by Daniel J. Popeo and Richard A. Samp. Id., at 53-54. Under either formulation, it is irrefutable that appellants in this proceeding likewise have failed to state a claim. 3 Although Davis involved political groups, the principles were expressly drawn from the Court's racial gerrymandering cases. Disregard for geographic divisions and compactness often goes hand in hand with partisan gerrymandering. Edwin S. Kneedler argued the cause for federal appellees. In Beer, we held that a reapportionment plan that created one majorityminority district where none existed before passed muster under 5 because it improved the position of racial minorities. There is no support for this distinction in UJO, and no authority in the cases relied on by the Court either. own provides no basis for invoking constitutional remedies where there is no indication that this segment of the population is being denied access to the political system." 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Is per se unconstitutional using race as the main reason for how to draw districts Democratic ideal, should... Has held political gerrymanders to be justiciable under the equal protection clause of proceeds. R. Arden and Jeffrey M. Wice ; for the minimum body temperature the! Is injured, remedying a Voting Rights Act of 1965 as a dramatic and severe response the.
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